By Alejandro de la Fuente
After thirty years of anticolonial fight opposed to Spain and 4 years of army career by means of the USA, Cuba officially grew to become an self reliant republic in 1902. The nationalist coalition that fought for Cuba's freedom, a circulation during which blacks and mulattoes have been good represented, had expected an egalitarian and inclusive country--a kingdom for all, as Jos? Mart? defined it. yet did the Cuban republic, and later the Cuban revolution, dwell as much as those expectancies? Tracing the formation and reformulation of nationalist ideologies, executive rules, and diversified types of social and political mobilization in republican and postrevolutionary Cuba, Alejandro de los angeles Fuente explores the possibilities and barriers that Afro-Cubans skilled in such parts as task entry, schooling, and political illustration. difficult assumptions of either underlying racism and racial democracy, he contends that racism and antiracism coexisted inside of Cuban nationalism and, in flip, Cuban society. This coexistence has endured to at the present time, regardless of major efforts by means of the progressive govt to enhance the lot of the negative and construct a state that was once actually for all.
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Additional resources for A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba)
The political elites might have dreamed about a patria in which blacks were symbolically or literally absent, but the elites’ own allegiance to the notion of an inclusive Cubanness limited their political choices and provided Afro-Cubans with legitimate tools to ﬁght for inclusion in a nation that virtually no one denied was also theirs. Besides, the vision of a truly egalitarian and racially fraternal nation was sustained not only by blacks. It was also championed by white radical intellectuals and, particularly after the 1920s, by the radical labor movement.
The result was the formation of a sizable group of black and mulatto professionals who, given the precariousness of their recently acquired status, sought to distance themselves, socially and culturally, from the masses of black manual workers. Social and cultural distances were emphasized precisely because many Afro-Cuban professionals were dangerously close to working-class blacks through family and community links. ’’ They were both, to a degree. Black and mulatto intellectuals did address issues that concerned all Afro-Cubans regardless of socioeconomic status, but most of their e√orts revolved around the barriers that the highly educated and ‘‘civilized’’ blacks faced in Cuban society.
Not surprisingly, elite interpretations were frequently couched in a deliberately vague language that tended to further obscure the issue of race. ’’∞≤ That these ‘‘ideals’’ included racial fraternity was taken for granted. Other elite political actors did not disagree with this view. ∞∂ Equality itself was vaguely deﬁned in formal terms and tied to questions of merit, virtue, patriotism, and education. ’’ In this interpretation, Cuban racial fraternity did not necessarily rest on equality, however deﬁned, but on blacks’ indebtedness to whites.
A Nation for All: Race, Inequality, and Politics in Twentieth-Century Cuba (Envisioning Cuba) by Alejandro de la Fuente